Ian Davies, University of York; Alistair Ross, London Metropolitan University; Beatrice Szczepek Reed, King’s College London; Eleanor Brown, University of York, and Geraldine Bengsch, University of York
When it comes to views about Europe, it’s well known that Germany and England differ sharply. Research after the Brexit vote shows that 68% of Germans are in favour of the European Union and only 11% would support withdrawal. Compare this with 54% of UK respondents who are favourable to the EU.
Similarly, during the 2017 general election campaign in Germany, nearly one third of Germans backed politician Martin Schulz’s idea for a “United States of Europe” by 2025. The corresponding figure for Britain was just 10%. And it seems these differences might run as deep as the way children are taught about Europe in school – as the findings of our latest research indicate.
We analysed the treatment of the European Union in a sample of social studies and politics textbooks from both Germany and England. And we found that the way Europe is depicted in some English and German textbooks for secondary schools differs considerably. In English books there is less coverage of Europe and a more critical approach compared with the German textbooks.
In the English textbooks, Europe was seen almost exclusively in political terms – with strong emphasis on the EU being a controversial issue. In one book for example, although there are references to the European Convention on Human Rights along with the European court and a brief mention of the European Economic Area, most of the limited space given to Europe is about the European Union – and about “different viewpoints on EU membership”.
In the German books there was a very different approach: Europe is seen more expansively and positively with an integrated approach to politics and identity. The German textbooks also had references to Europe being “our historical, cultural and intellectual home”, a “community of values”, and, a place where “enemies became friends”.
We looked at four English textbooks and nine German textbooks and compared the way Europe was covered. Overall we found that the textbooks from Germany deal with Europe in much greater detail and with more of a positive angle than those published in England.
We found that Europe not only receives more prominence in German textbooks but is covered with more breadth. Both sets of textbooks place a major focus on the political system of the EU but German books also include economic and cultural dimensions. And a number of German textbooks had separate chapters or sections on the political system of the EU and Europe as a cultural entity. Unlike the English books, some German materials also presented clear anticipated loyalties to Europe.
The project was informed by previous research, particularly, work undertaken by one of the project team which involved interviewing 2,000 young people across 29 European countries. The project aimed to find out how young people in Europe construct their political identities – which we found often transcend traditional boundaries of state and nation.
But we found that although both the English textbooks and German textbooks largely reflect the prevailing political climate in each country, they don’t necessarily reflect the views of young people. Young people in Germany and England share rather similar views about Europe. They are committed to certain values (which are seen as both general and European) and although young people are not just accepting of European identity and European loyalty without questions, there is, among both groups – but particularly the Germans – a sense of being European. This is not reflected in English textbooks.
The range of activities in the German books is also far wider than those provided in the English books. Whereas the German books build on a sense of European identity by providing opportunities for varied student interaction including more work than the English books on advocacy, representation and informed and responsible action.
By contrast, the English books use brief individual reading exercises to consider the pros and cons of European membership. One book for example provides a list of “benefits and costs of EU membership” and then asks students to “design slides or charts to summarise the benefits and costs of EU membership”. The English texts also encouraged students to visit the websites of UK political parties for news on their position on EU membership.
This echos the political context in England, where the debate about Europe is not one concerned with dynamic engagement but one associated with an equally balanced weighing up of pros and cons of membership. And in this way, we found that the nature of the educational activities that are available to teachers and students in our sample of textbooks tends to reflect national narratives.
Education in both countries is principally a matter of socialising young people into an established national narrative. This may seem to be easier to justify in Germany where there is a stronger alignment between the views of young people and (according to our textbook analysis) the content of learning resources. But in both countries there are issues about the extent to which schools are the mirror of society and essentially engaged with promoting established views.
It seems then that in both countries, the most contentious issue of the 21st-century – the European Union – is simply being presented as a reflection of the existing national narrative for future generations.
Ian Davies, Professor in the Department of Education, University of York; Alistair Ross, Emeritus Professor in the Institute for Policy Studies in Education, London Metropolitan University; Beatrice Szczepek Reed, Professor of Language Education, King’s College London; Eleanor Brown, Lecturer in the Department of Education, University of York, and Geraldine Bengsch, German Tutor, University of York
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